As part of the Memory Palestine series, the ACRPS has published Arab Tiberias under British Rule 1918-1948: A Social and Political Study by Mustafa Abbasi (520 pp.). The book explores the history of Tiberias over 200 years, from its modern rebirth in the early 1700s until the events of the Nakba in 1948. After addressing changes in governance and administration during the Ottoman and British periods, Abbasi depicts the conditions of the city’s Arab residents: their classes, internal relations, the role of elites in administering the city and district, and to what extent these leaders were able to confront the challenges imposed by the British Mandate and the Zionist movement. It also considers economic resources and how they were utilized in the city during the mandate, as well as the trajectory of Arab-Jewish relations and their failure to protect Arab residents who were expelled from their city on 18 April 1948, making Tiberias the first mixed city to have its Arab population removed. The book also discusses the story of the destruction of Old Tiberias, including its walls and most of its historical landmarks.
When compared with other major cities such as Haifa, Jaffa, and Jerusalem, cultural activity in Tiberias was minimal during the mandate period. There were no public libraries, and newspaper sales in the city were very low. The decline of the Arab population relative to other cities in Galilee was also reflected in the dearth of cultural consumption.
There were several cultural associations concerned with knowledge production, such as the Arab Cultural Club, whose establishment in 1937 amid the tension of the Great Arab Revolt is testament to its founders’ desire to preserve Arab cultural activity amid difficult circumstances. Nevertheless, the Arab education system was less developed in Tiberias than in nearby Nazareth or Safad, where secondary schools had been in operation since the late 19th century. It is obvious that the mandate authorities neglected education on the pretext of budget limitations, despite having seized the city’s hot baths, which earned thousands of pounds annually.
The Arabs of Tiberias engaged in a variety of economic activities, including commerce, crafts, fishing, tourism, construction, service industry, and agriculture. Although Tiberias was a mixed city, it did not have two separate economies; its Arab residents often worked in the same fields as their Jewish neighbours and had good economic relations. However, things began to change as tension spread with the announcement of the strike and the 1936-39 Palestinian uprisings, which negatively impacted bipartite relations.
A general study of the economic aspect reveals that Jewish residents controlled a larger segment of the economy than their Arab counterparts. Apart from their more organized economic activity and the support they received from Zionist institutions, they constituted a majority of the population and outnumbered the Arabs in most industries; conversely, the Arab population accounted for a disproportionately small number of businessmen and merchants and were largely limited to agriculture and fishing.
Abbasi argues that Tiberias and its Arab population experienced three main stages in terms of national political activity. During the first decade of the mandate, initial contact began with the Palestinian national movement, but city leaders were able to keep the peace between the Arab and Jewish populations, who lived side by side, amid the movement’s demands.
Things began to change during the second decade, and both the Arab residents of Tiberias and their Jewish neighbours found themselves increasingly associated with their respective national movements and pulled into a conflict that culminated with the 1936-39 revolt. According to Haganah reports, albeit at times featuring exaggerations and inaccuracies, dozens of the city’s Arab youth joined various militant organizations and became to varying degrees involved in the conflict.
By the third decade of the mandate, despite the establishment of many political associations and the reinforcement of Arab parties in the city, the Arab public appeared fatigued and unable to keep pace with escalating developments in Palestine. Abbasi notes, however, that this atmosphere was no different than that of most other cities and villages across Palestine. The Arab public was divided between the Neshashibis and the National Defence Party, known as moderates for having consented to dialogue with the British and the Zionists, and the camp of Sheikh Amin al-Husseini which rejected all forms of compromise, especially those involving the partition of Palestine.
