As the ongoing genocide in Gaza approaches its third year, US President Donald Trump announced agreement on “Trump’s Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict”, as his latest proposal for peace. The twenty-point plan was laid out during a joint press conference held at the White House on 29 September, with Trump and Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu confirming their agreement.[1] This was accompanied by threats that if Hamas, which was not consulted in the formulation of the deal, opposes the proposal, or fails to abide by it, “then Israel will finish the job by itself”. Following the announcement, the Qatari and Egyptian mediators delivered a copy of the US plan to the Hamas leadership, who pledged to study it “responsibly” and submit an official response after consulting with other Palestinian factions.[2]
The Palestinian Authority cautiously welcomed the plan, while a number of Arab and Muslim nations expressed a willingness to support it despite the conditions imposed by Israel, which neglected their amendments. But several fundamental obstacles remain. Chief among these obstacles are the requirement to dismantle Hamas’s organizational structure and disarm it; the ambiguity surrounding the mechanisms and timeframe for Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza; Netanyahu’s rejection of a Palestinian state and his insistence on maintaining security control over Gaza; as well as the absence of clear guarantees for the plan’s implementation.
This plan now includes Israel’s declared objectives for the war, the difference being that Netanyahu can now claim that Arab states have joined him and that he has broken Israel’s isolation. The Arab states did not insist on their own conditions, as Israel did, and subsequently announced their acceptance of the plan without these conditions.
The Plan
Trump’s plan includes general principles covering most of the essential points related to the Israeli war on the Gaza Strip.[3] It includes key provisions such as a ceasefire, prisoner exchange, a gradual withdrawal of Israeli forces, the entry of humanitarian aid, reconstruction of the Gaza Strip, and the disarmament of Hamas, along with the formation of a Palestinian administration for Gaza composed of technocrats under international supervision. The plan’s first provision is that “Gaza will be a deradicalised terror-free zone that does not pose a threat to its neighbours”, going on to promote peaceful coexistence through “interfaith dialogue” between Palestinians and Israelis.[4] US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and former Trump advisor Jared Kushner participated in drafting the plan, and consultations were held with Israeli Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.[5] However, consultations with representatives of Arab countries present in New York to attend the UN General Assembly meetings were not included. The most prominent provisions of the plan, which the White House released on 29 September:[6]
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Ceasefire: The plan calls for an immediate end to hostilities, with Hamas required within 72 hours to release all Israeli captives, alive or dead. US and Israeli sources estimate their number at 48, of whom 20 are thought to be alive. In return, Israel would release 250 Palestinians serving life sentences, along with 1,700 detainees from Gaza held since the start of the war, including women and children. The plan also stipulates the handover of the bodies of 15 Palestinians in exchange for each deceased Israeli captive returned.
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Withdrawal of Israeli forces: The proposal provides for a phased withdrawal of Israeli forces, according to “standards, milestones, and timeframes linked to demilitarization”. An “International Stabilisation Force” (ISF), will be established in cooperation with Jordan and Egypt, to assume control of areas vacated by Israel, train and support Palestinian police forces and secure the borders.
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The future of Hamas and Gaza after the war: Hamas would be excluded from any role in governing Gaza, and its military infrastructure dismantled in full, including tunnels. Amnesty would be granted to members who pledge to live peacefully, while those wishing to leave would be allowed to do so. The ISF are to oversee disarmament and maintain order, alongside the training of “vetted” Palestinian police forces to assume security responsibilities. While the plan affirms that Israel “will not occupy or annex Gaza,” it also states that it will retain “a security perimeter presence that will remain until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat.”
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Humanitarian aid and reconstruction: The plan envisages the immediate flow of humanitarian aid into Gaza, in line with the 19 January 2025 agreement, including the “rehabilitation of infrastructure (water, electricity, sewage), rehabilitation of hospitals and bakeries, and entry of necessary equipment to remove rubble and open roads”. The distribution of aid without interference from either side will be assumed “through the United Nations and its agencies, and the Red Crescent, in addition to other international institutions not associated in any manner with either party”, while the Rafah crossing is to be opened in both directions. The document stresses that Palestinians will not be expelled from Gaza and will retain the freedom to leave and return, while a “panel of experts” will be tasked with rebuilding the Strip.
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Interim administration and the Palestinian Authority: The Strip will be administered on an interim basis by a “a technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee”, responsible for providing public and municipal services, and including Palestinian and international experts under the supervision of an international body named the “Board of Peace”, chaired by President Trump and involving international figures such as Tony Blair. “This body will set the framework and handle the funding for the redevelopment of Gaza until such time as the Palestinian Authority has completed its reform programme, as outlined in various proposals, including President Trump's peace plan in 2020 and the Saudi-French proposal, and can securely and effectively take back control of Gaza”.
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The Palestinian state: The plan notes that while “Gaza re-development advances and when the PA reform programme is faithfully carried out, the conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood, which we recognise as the aspiration of the Palestinian people”.
Ambiguity without Guarantees
It appears that in the hours preceding the announcement, Israel managed to introduce substantial amendments that stripped it of its substance and turned it into a document blatantly biased towards Israeli demands. Writing for Axios, Barak Ravid reports that Netanyahu secured a major alteration to the plan during his meeting with Witkoff and Kushner, just one day before his talks with President Trump, making the final version far more aligned with the Israeli vision than its earlier draft. Proposals Trump presented to leaders and officials from eight Arab and Islamic states, during a meeting on 23 September on the margins of the UN General Assembly, differed fundamentally from the version he later unveiled at the White House alongside Netanyahu. This discrepancy provoked discontent among those states, particularly as Trump had framed the plan as the outcome of a US – Arab – Islamic consensus, while Hamas’s approval remained the last obstacle to its implementation – despite the disregard for the Arab-proposed amendments.[7]
Among the most significant changes Netanyahu managed to secure were those concerning the conditions and timetable of Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza. Whereas Arab and Islamic states had called for Hamas to “lay down its arms” rather than complete “disarmament”,[8] the final plan tied Israeli withdrawal explicitly to disarmament, granting Israel the right to object to implementation mechanisms. It also appears that Netanyahu persuaded Trump of the need to maintain an Israeli military presence within a so-called “security perimeter” inside Gaza for an indefinite period, even if the Palestinian side fully complied with all conditions. The plan also omitted any reference to earlier commitments Trump had made to Arab officials regarding a guarantee that Israel would not annex of parts of the West Bank and would freeze settlement construction. Likewise, it made no mention of demands to halt violations at al-Aqsa Mosque or to immediately increase humanitarian aid to Gaza.[9]
The plan’s provisions remain cloaked in ambiguity and lack credible guarantees, while largely accommodating the key Israeli conditions insisted upon by Netanyahu, particularly on a number of fundamental issues, including:
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Absence of the Palestinian state as a goal: The plan addresses the idea of a Palestinian state in a vague and vague manner, describing it as an “aspiration” of the Palestinian people rather than an international right or entitlement. This characterization contradicts the positions of US allies such as Britain, France, Canada, and Australia, which consider the establishment of a Palestinian state a cornerstone of any lasting peace. During the press conference, Trump stated that some allies “foolishly recognized the Palestinian state”, while Netanyahu reiterated his categorical rejection of the idea of a Palestinian state.[10] This implies that he did not accept the plan without reservation, nor did he declare his acceptance without reservation.
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Marginalization of the Palestinian Authority: The plan excludes the Palestinian Authority until “vast reforms” are implemented, without specifying who will determine its readiness or what the required criteria are.[11] The plan also treats Gaza as a separate entity, in clear disregard for the unity of the Palestinian territories, in line with Netanyahu’s statements rejecting the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza.
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Ambiguity in the administration of Gaza: The plan refers to the formation of an “a technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee” under the supervision of a new international body, but it does not clarify the mechanism for forming the committee or selecting its members. It also stipulates that Trump and Blair will chair the “Board of Peace” overseeing the committee, without specifying the board’s powers, the nature of the relationship between the board and the committee, or how daily decisions will be made.[12]
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Unspecified Withdrawal: The plan stipulates a gradual Israeli withdrawal from Gaza according to “standards, milestones, and timeframes linked to demilitarization”. However, it does not specify these standards or who will determine when they have been met, laying the groundwork for indefinite postponement, especially given the lack of clarity involved in the process of disarmament.[13] Who will implement it, and who will declare the completion of the disarmament process?
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An International Force with No Clear Mandate: The plan speaks of the deployment of a temporary “International Stabilization Force” in Gaza, without specifying the participating countries or the nature of this force's duties, or whether it will perform police or military roles, or be tasked with confronting resistance factions.[14] The nine Arab and Islamic countries indicated in their proposals that international forces should be stationed on the border, and that there should be no friction between foreign forces and the population.
Behind Trump’s Proposal
Trump’s insistence on putting forward a proposal to end the war in Gaza stems from a combination of personal and political considerations, both domestic and international. The timing of the announcement coincided with a critical moment for both Israel and the United States. Israel was facing increasing international isolation due to crimes committed in Gaza, leading to a decline in support from countries traditionally considered allies, such as Canada, Australia, the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, and Spain, as well as other European states.[15] Meanwhile, the US continued its unwavering support for Israel, but found itself increasingly isolated on the international stage, including within the UN Security Council, after Paris and London joined China and Russia in recognizing the Palestinian state, leaving Washington as the sole permanent member to have not done so.
Domestically, US public opinion had shifted noticeably against Israel, even within MAGA ranks. This shift has placed him under mounting pressure, particularly as figures within the movement questioned his commitment to the “America First” agenda, perceiving a priority for Israel.[16] According to a Trump administration official, frustration within his inner circle grew due to what was seen as Netanyahu’s interference in US domestic politics. On 26 September, during a meeting at the United Nations, Netanyahu met with a number of influential American conservative social media figures, most of them Trump supporters, and asked them to “fight” for Israel online. During the meeting, Netanyahu attacked what he described as “the woke right – or the woke Reich,” and labelling them “crazy and deranged.” Among those targeted was the prominent right-wing commentator Tucker Carlson, who has become increasingly critical of Israel and recently accused Netanyahu of boasting about controlling Trump, a claim Netanyahu has denied.[17]
Netanyahu’s decision on 9 September to attack Qatar, targeting Hamas negotiators in Doha and resulting in the deaths of five Palestinians and a Qatari security officer, also played a role in prompting Trump to propose the plan. The strike “united the Gulf state Arabs” and created a political and diplomatic impact that led Trump’s advisers to push for renewed negotiations to secure a ceasefire in Gaza.[18] During his meeting with Trump at the White House, Netanyahu contacted Qatar’s Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, expressing “his deep regret that Israel’s missile strike against Hamas targets in Qatar unintentionally killed a Qatari serviceman.” He also expressed regret that “in targeting Hamas leadership during hostage negotiations, Israel violated Qatari sovereignty and affirmed that Israel will not conduct such an attack again in the future”.[19]
On a personal level, Trump has continued to push his bid for a Nobel Peace Prize, asserting that he ended seven wars in just seven months.[20] He believes that successfully ending the war in Gaza could provide him with a significant diplomatic achievement, notably expanding the Abraham Accords he launched during his first term (2017–2021) between Israel and several Arab and Islamic states.[21] Several of Trump’s advisers warned him that Netanyahu was “manipulating” him and failing to show sufficient respect, prompting the US administration to send a clear message to Netanyahu that there was growing “frustration” and that he must choose between accepting Trump’s plan or risking a public rift with a president who, for the first time since returning to office, appeared ready to break with him over Gaza.[22] Netanyahu opted to sidestep a direct confrontation with Trump, yet once again managed to amend the US plan and slow the initiative’s momentum, introducing substantive changes despite its preliminary approval by Trump and several Arab and Muslim leaders at UN meetings less than a week earlier.
Conclusion
Trump’s Trump’s “Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict” does not constitute a genuine framework for peace in the Gaza Strip; rather, it appears closer to an attempt to subordinate the Palestinians, and the region as a whole, to Israeli dominance. In practice, the plan is not presented as an offer to Hamas, but as a call for surrender in exchange for promises with no guarantees.[23] References to a Palestinian state and Israel’s withdrawal from the Strip are vague, while Gaza and its population are effectively forced under open-ended international supervision, with no clear timeline or mechanisms of enforcement. The plan also lacks real guarantees for the reconstruction of the Gaza Strip, despite the fact that the international body ostensibly responsible for this would be headed by Trump himself. In practical terms, the plan’s structure entrenches Israeli control over Gaza for an indefinite period under a tenuous international cover. Meanwhile, Hamas and the Palestinian resistance face an extremely harsh choice as any rejection of the plan could mean the continuation of Israel’s destructive campaign against the Palestinian population, with renewed US approval, under a siege blocking humanitarian aid from reaching hundreds of thousands of civilians confronting hunger and devastation.[24]
[1] “Seeking ‘Eternal Middle East Peace’: Full Text of Trump, Netanyahu Statements on Deal to End Gaza War,”
TheTimes of Israel, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPE6
[2] Rushdi Abualouf, “Trump peace plan 'ignores interests of Palestinian people', Hamas official tells BBC”,
BBC News, 30/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025 at:
https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2j97jldkmo
[3] Tom O'Connor, “Why this Trump-Netanyahu Meeting is Different,”
Newsweek, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at: https://acr.ps/1L9BP1l
[4] “Trump's 20-point Gaza peace plan in full”,
BBC News, 30/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025 at: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c70155nked7o
[5] Eli Stokols, Dasha Burns & Felicia Schwartz, “‘Bibi is on his own Island’: Trump will Try to Secure Peace with an Isolated Netanyahu,”
Politico, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BP2J
[6] “Trump's 20-point Gaza peace plan in full”,
[7] Barak Ravid, “The Scramble to Shape Trump's Gaza Plan is just Beginning,”
Axios, 30/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at: https://acr.ps/1L9BP40
[8] “Hamas to ‘lay down’ weapons, not disarm: Arab countries' amendments to Trump's plan”
Roya News, 28/09/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025 at:
https://en.royanews.tv/news/63583
[9] Barak Ravid, “Trump's Gaza Peace Plan Gets Support from Regional Leaders,”
Axios, 24/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPA9
[10] “Seeking ‘Eternal Middle East Peace’.”
[11] Adam Geller, Sam Mednick & Aamer Madhani, “Trump and Netanyahu Say they’ve Agreed on a Plan to End the Gaza War. Hamas is Now Reviewing it,”
The Associated Press, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPT8
[12] Ali Harb, “Five Unanswered Questions about Trump’s Gaza Plan,”
Aljazeera, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at: https://acr.ps/1L9BPpM
[13] Geller, Mednick & Madhani.
[14] Harb.
[15] Geller, Mednick & Madhani.
[16] Nasim Ahmed, “The cracks in MAGA: the American right is divided over the Middle East”,
Middle East Monitor, 28/1/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025 at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPHa
[17] Marc Caputo & Barak Ravid, “Netanyahu Inches toward Gaza Deal under Pressure from Trump,”
Axios, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPaU
[18] Ibid.
[19] Alex Gangitano, “Netanyahu Apologizes for Qatar Strike, Says it won’t Happen Again,”
The Hill, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPFA
[20] “President Trump's Remarks during the 80th Session of the UN General Assembly,” U.S. Embassy in El Salvador, 25/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BOVg
[21] O’Connor.
[22] Caputo & Ravid.
[23] Luke Broadwater & Shawn McCreesh, “Trump and Netanyahu Tell Hamas to Accept their Peace Plan, or Else,”
The New York Times, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BP3I
[24] Samy Magdy & Lee Keath, “What to Know about the Gaza Peace Plan Agreed to by Trump and Netanyahu,”
The Associated Press, 29/9/2025, accessed on 2/10/2025, at:
https://acr.ps/1L9BPLg
