On Wednesday, 20 November 2019, the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies held a symposium titled “Lebanon Protests: Local and Regional Context and the Future of the Political System”. The symposium addressed ongoing protests in Lebanon since October 17, 2019 beginning with the government announcement of its intention to impose new taxes, including a tax on WhatsApp voice calls. The symposium, chaired by Marwan Kabalan, director of the Political Studies Unit at the Arab Center, discussed the causes, background, repercussions and prospects of the protests, the attitudes of political forces towards them, and the influence of regional powers.

Saoud El Mawla, a visiting professor in the sociology and anthropology program at the Doha Institute of Graduate Studies, began his intervention by noting that the wave of protests that began on October 17 in Lebanon is not the first of its kind as an uprising that has transcended sectarian and regional boundaries. The previous demonstrations led by the “You Stink!” movement began in August 2015 and protested the inability of the Lebanese political class to find a solution to the waste crisis in Lebanon. Al-Mawla emphasized a set of features of the Lebanese protest movement that can be observed and researched. The first is the generational nature, where the young generation, especially those between the ages of 15-19 years, forms the majority of protesters, which does not negate the participation of older generations. Second, Lebanon's protests have crossed the boundaries of regions and sects, with protesters hailing from the northern and southern tips of the country and meeting in several areas along throughout Lebanon. The third is the role of social media, especially Facebook and WhatsApp, in mobilizing and organizing protests. Fourth, the social structure contributing to the protest movement is diverse, with all calling for the overthrow of the ruling political class, doing away with the sectarian quota system and fighting corruption. Finally, the role of artistic and linguistic creativity in mobilizing protesters is noteworthy. Al-Mawla concluded his presentation by pointing out that the protest movement faces several challenges, including that political parties in Lebanon are governed by a set of regional balances that may affect the objectives of the protest movement.

Soheil Kash, visiting researcher at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, focused on regional political interactions and their role in the protest movement, focusing on the geopolitical position of Lebanon as a mirror that reflects the political contradictions in the Arab region. Kash attributed the interest of regional powers in controlling politics and the political class in Lebanon to its geopolitical centrality, neighboring Israel and playing an important role in the history of the Arab conflict with Israel, while attracting regional powers wishing to play a role in the region, taking advantage of the decline of Egypt, Syria and Iraq as the traditional regional powers in the Arab Mashreq. Kash added that there have been significant changes in the political map in Lebanon after 2006, particularly after the alliance of Hezbollah with forces of power in Lebanon. Hezbollah transformed from a party in power to a party representing power, taking advantage of the party's relations with the Free Patriotic Movement, which represents the Maronite Christian community on the one hand, and the Sunni community represented by the Future Movement on the other. Kash argues that these alliances benefiting from regional changes have given Iran an opportunity to interfere in Lebanese politics.

Adham Saouli, associate professor of political science and international relations at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, argued that the uprising has helped restore the will and power of the people on the street, but the political balance of power that controls the political system is still not ready for political change. Saouli focused on three main aspects through which the political limits of the uprising in Lebanon can be understood. First, what is happening in Lebanon can be considered less than a revolution but more than a protest movement so it can be described as an uprising, which seems largely spontaneous, without leadership and representing multiple social strata and classes. Second, it is an attempt to re-establish a set of social values that help consolidate Lebanon's national identity, such as social solidarity. Thirdly, these social values created by the protest movement should be translated into political institutions, laws and programs. He concluded by saying that Lebanon's protests face several challenges, including the political balance of power, which still leaves traditional forces with a greater chance to control the nature of the political system.